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د. أحمد صبحي منصور
المدير السابق لرواق ابن خلدون والمستشار الاسلامي السابق للمركز
عن الدكتور احمد صبحي منصور كاتب هذا المقال
Sheikh Dr. Ahmed Subhy Mansour
Former assistant professor at Al Azhar University in Egypt.
Muslim scholar and political asylee in the U.S.
Former visiting fellow at the National Endowment for democracy ,and the
Human Rights Program, Harvard Law School.
Web Site: www.ahmed.G3Z.com
E-Mail :< mas3192003@yahoo.com>
Summary of Qualifications
- Egyptian national with more than twenty years as a scholar of Islam with
expertise in Islamic history, culture, theology, and politics.
- 24 books and approximately 500 articles in Arabic; topics include the
history of Wahabism in Saudi Arabia, a critique of the concepts of Jihad,
bigotry and dictatorship in Muslim thought, women’s rights in the Muslim
world, the reform of Egyptian education; prose fiction and screen plays
- Democracy advocate and leader in Egypt; granted political asylum in the
United States in 2002 because of persecution in Egypt
- More than a decade of high profile leadership of secular democratic
organizations in Egypt; created opposition to Muslim fanatics’
fundamentalist interpretation of Islamic thought; worked to protect Coptic
Christians and other minorities, improve the position of women, and
establish truly democratic institutions in Egypt
Education
- 1969 Graduated Al-Azhar Secondary School, Sharkeya, Egypt. Ranked fourth
in country on national university entrance examination
- 1973 B.A., Al-Azhar University, Cairo, Egypt (Muslim History, highest
honors)
- 1975 M.A., Al-Azhar University, Cairo, Egypt (Muslim History, honors)
- 1980 Ph.D., Al-Azhar University, Cairo, Egypt (Muslim History, highest
honors)
(Al-Azhar University is the oldest, largest and most prestigious religious
university in the Muslim world. It controls the religious life of the Sunni
Muslims around the world.)
Academic Experience
- 1973-80 Assistant Teacher and Lecturer of Muslim History, College of
Arabic Language, Al-Azhar University.
- 1980-87 Assistant Professor of Muslim History, College of Arabic Language,
Al-Azhar University
- 1981-83 Secretary, History and Civilization Department, Al-Azhar
University
- 1984-86 Managing Editor, Principal Spokesman and Lecturer
(khateeb),“Al-Huda Al-Nabawy” (The Guidance of the Prophet), of “Dawit
Al-Hak” (Call for the Truth), Cairo, Egypt
("Al-Huda Al-Nabawy” was a religious monthly with a circulation of several
thousand moderate Sunnis. During my tenure I provided religious guidance to
these persons).
- Because of my unconventional scholarship, Al-Azhar University accused me
of being an enemy of Islam. I was tried in its canonical court and expelled
March 17, 1987. Seven months later, the Egyptian government imprisoned me
for two months.
Experience as Independent Scholar of Islam and human rights Activist
- 1991-92 Collaborated with Farag Foda to establish a new political party in
Egypt, Mostakbal (The Future Party), dedicated to a secular democratic
state. In June, 1992 Farog Foda was assassinated.
- 1993-present (Founding) Member of the Egyptian Society for Enlightenment
- Secretary General (Executive Officer) from 1993 to 1998
(This Society works to promote tolerance between Muslims and Christians. It
provides a monthly forum and publication, Al Tanweer, to discuss secular
issues of mutual concern).
- 1993-2000 Visiting Lecturer and Consultant on Religious and Cultural
Affairs for a number of secular, democratic organizations based in Egypt
including The International Ibn Khaldoun Society, The Egyptian Society for
Enlightenment, The International Religious Brotherhood, The Group for
Democracy, The Egyptian Organization for Human Rights
-1994-96 Member of the Board of Trustees, Egyptian Organization for Human
Rights This organization worked to protect Egyptians from human rights
offenses of the Mubarak regime and from those of terrorists within the
country and abroad.
-1994-96 Founding Member of and Religion Consultant to the Popular Movement
for Confronting Terrorism, Cairo, Egypt
(This organization went into the field and provided aid to victims of Muslim
fanatics, especially in Upper Egypt).
- 1996-2000 Moderator, Weekly Rewak (Conference), Ibn Khaldoun Center,
Cairo, Egypt
(The Ibn Khaldoun Center was unique in the Arab World. Its purpose was to
advocate and model secular democratic values in the Arab world as well as
Iran and Turkey).
- Through research, discussion, and dissemination, this international Center
addressed four key areas of concern: religious education reform, the
persecution of minorities, democracy and elections, and fanatical
fundamentalism.
(In June 2000, the Egyptian government shut down the Ibn Khaldoun Center and
imprisoned its Director Dr. Saad Eddin)
- 1996-present Member of and Religion Consultant to The International Ibn
Khaldoun Society
(The International Ibn Khaldoun Society focuses on Muslim communities in the
United States and the West. It is dedicated to spreading secular democratic
values and uniting scholars to oppose Muslim fanaticism within the United
States and western democracies).
- June 2000-October 2001 Pursued scholarship and cultural and political
activities in the face of harassment by the Security Police and active
persecution by the Mubarak Government, Cairo Egypt
- October 2001-present Independent Scholar of Islam, Washington, D.C.
- July-September 2002 Collaborated with Abdullahi A. An Naim, School of Law,
Emory University. Applied Muslim jurisprudence of the Middle Ages to Arabic
history textbooks
- October-December 2002 Regan-Fascell Fellow, the National Endowment for
Democracy, Washington, DC. Performed research on the roots of democracy in
Islam
-June 2003- May 31 2004. One year visiting fellow at the Human Rights
Program- Harvard Law School, to prepare a research aim s to “reform the
Islamic schools in the U.S to confirm and to conform to the American values
and the Human Rights culture.”
November 2003- March 2004.Expert in Islamic fields at Graduate Theological
Foundation- Tutorial Faculty.
March 2004 – May 2004, Expert witness in Islam and Muslim fanatic culture
for the U.S Department of Justice. U.S Attorney, District of Idaho.
Publications
Books in Arabic
1. Al Sayed Al Badway: Fact versus Superstition. Cairo, 1982.
This book exposes the true history of the most famous Muslim saint in Egypt,
who died seven centuries ago. This book proves that Al Sayed Al Badawy was
not a saint, or Sufi, although most Muslim Egyptians still idolize him.
Rather he was a terrorist disguised as a saint to plot against the Egyptian
regime. Al Sayed Al Badawy used religion to deceive the people and take over
Egypt. When he failed he continued under that cover to protect his life.
After his death his followers took their revenge by destroying all the
Egyptian Coptic churches at once. Egyptian Muslims thought God was punishing
the Christians. The book investigates that event proving that the followers
of Al Badawy were criminals. Fearful that teenagers were being taught
terrorist ideology and that bloodshed would ensue, the writer concluded with
a call for a review and revision of Muslim traditions. No one listened and
the writer was ostracized. Bloodshed between the Regime and the religious
extremists began in 1992.
2. Using Religious Texts to Inform Muslim History. Cairo, 1984.
It has been unusual for scholars to discuss the actual religious life of
Muslims, in the present or in their history. Objective historical or
sociological research is dangerous, because it elucidates the gap between
Islam as it is mentioned in the Quran and religious practices of Muslims.
This book was the first step in establishing rules of research to encourage
scholars to tackle Muslim history objectively. The Personality of Egypt
after the Muslim Invasion (3) was an example of this methodology.
3. The Personality of Egypt after the Muslim Invasion. Cairo, 1984.
This book proves that Egypt has always “egyptized” Islam. Egyptians recast
their old religious traditions in Arabic under the title of Islam, but these
traditions had nothing to do with the Islam of the Prophet Mohammed. This
book also proves that all Egyptians (Muslims and Christians) share the same
rituals with different names, and all of these religious observances grew
out of ancient Egyptian civilization.
4. The History of the Historic Sources of Arabic and Muslim Fields. Cairo,
1984.
This book discusses the methods the famous historians of the Middle Ages
used to create their different historical narratives and analyzes their
false stories.
5. The Fundamental Rules of Historical Research. Cairo, 1984.
This book teaches scholars of Muslim history how to discover the lacunae in
Muslim history, and how to analyze these facts objectively.
6. The Invasions of the Moguls and the Crusaders in Muslim History. Cairo,
1985.
This book discusses frankly the weaknesses of the Muslim states in the
Middle Ages: dictatorships, corruption, and wars between Muslim states. The
writer shows how those factors encouraged the Crusaders and Moguls to invade
and occupy Muslim states. This book was banned because it gives some
comparisons between the Arab/Muslim state of our time and the Muslim states
of the Middle Ages.
7. Separatist Movements in the History of Muslims: The Secret History of
Shiites and Sunni Movements during the Abbasy Era. Cairo, 1985.
This book analyzes the struggle between the Abbasy Sunni Empire and the
secret Shiites and fanatic Sunni organizations. This book was banned because
it makes some comparisons between that old struggle and the recent clash
between the Arab states and their religious oppositions.
8. A History of the Cultural Development of Muslims. Cairo,
This book analyzes Muslim civilization in the Middle Ages, proving its Greek
roots and the gap between it and Islamic culture as put forth in the Quran.
It was banned.
9. The Muslim World between the Early Stage and the Abbasy Caliphate. Cairo,
1985.
Muslim oral traditions were written down and codified during the Abbasy
Empire (750 to 1258). Most of these traditions and some of the Abbasy rulers
subsequently became sacred, in spite of the contradiction between them and
the early Muslims. This book was banned because it shows that contradiction
and calls for reform in Muslim states to get rid of the Abbasy tradition,
which has nothing to do with Islam as put forth in the Quran.
10. The Prophets in the Holy Quran. Cairo, 1985.This book, which was banned, was the writer’s most dangerous book. It proves
the human nature of the prophet Mohammed, and the contradiction between his
presentation in the Quran and the images of him fabricated by Muslim
fanatics. Using the Quranic verses, it demonstrates that the prophet
Mohammed was not infallible, he is not the master of the prophets, and he
will not intercede on behalf of Muslims on the Day of Judgment, as Muslims
believe according to the Abbasy religious traditions.
11. The Sinner Muslim: Common Mythology Regarding the Sinner Muslim. Cairo,
1987.This book, which was banned, uses the Quran to prove that the sinner Muslim
will not enter paradise, and no one will intercede to save him from Hell.
12. Egypt in the Holy Quran. Al Akhbar Newspaper, Cairo, 1990.This book reconstructed ancient Egyptian history from the Quranic verses,
focusing on the political, social and religious aspects of ancient Egyptian
civilization.
13. The Quran: the Only Source of Islam and Islamic Jurisprudence (published
under the title The Quran: Why? using the pseudonym Abdullah Al Khalifah)
Cairo, 1990.This book proves that the Quran is the only source of Islam. All Muslim
sects have different sources, besides the Quran. They make their sources as
sacred as the Quran. Sometimes some Muslims make their sources more sacred
than the Quran. Some of these sources are tarnishing Islam and the prophet
Mohammed. This book makes clear these divergent interpretations and calls
for a reform of Muslim faith and jurisprudence based upon the primacy of the
Quran. This book was banned. The extremist newspaper of the Muslim Brothers
(Al Noor) divulged the true identity of the author.
14. Death in the Quran. Dar Al Shark Al Awsat, Cairo, 1990.This book explains the facts of death as they are mentioned in the Quran.
They include: the coma of death, the difference between death and sleep, the
relationship between the body and the real identity of the person who
occupies and controls its body, what happens to this identity or soul during
sleep and in the coma of death, what happens after death and before birth,
and the meaning of Al- Bazakh or the “Barrier” between this life and the
hereafter. This book had a chapter explaining the Muslim superstitions about
death and the contradiction between them and the Quran, but the publisher
insisted on deleting it.
15. The Penalty of Apostasy. Tiba Publishing, Cairo, 1992; Al Mahrousah,
1994; Al Mothakkafoun Al Arab (The Arab Intellectuals’ Publishing Company),
2000; English translation, The International Publishing and Distributing
Company, Toronto, Canada, 1998.
This book proves that there is no death sentence in Islam for the apostate,
that this penalty, which is still applied, is a law created as holy canon in
the Abbasy era.
16. Freedom of Speech: Islam and Muslims. The Egyptian Organization for
Human Rights, Cairo, 1994.
This book proves that freedom of speech in Islam is unlimited, but Muslims
in their history and their laws have constrained it according to political
demands.
17. The Al Hisbah between the Quran and Muslims. Al Mahrousah, Cairo, 1995;
Al Kahera Magazine, Cairo, 1996.
Al Hisbah is a law that separates husband and wife after accusing one or
both of them of apostasy. The religious extremists used this law against Dr.
Nasr Hamid Abou Zaid, a secular leader in Egypt. I had written many articles
in the press campaign against them, and was asked to write a book proving
that Al Hisbah has nothing to do with Islam.
18. The Torture of the Grave. Tibia, Cairo, 1996; Al Mothakkafoun Al Arab,
Cairo, 2000.
This book proves that Muslim beliefs about torture in the grave after death
are unfounded, that they are ancient Egyptian beliefs, which contradict
Islam. The fanatic preachers usually present this belief as an Islamic tenet
to terrify their audiences and control them.
19. Al Naskh in the Quran Means Writing Not Abrogating. Al Tanweer Magazine,
Cairo?? 1997; Al Mahrousah, Cairo, 1998; Al Mothakkafoun Al Arab, Cairo,
2000.
This book, originally banned in 1987, proves the basic contraction between
Islam and Muslim Shareeah or jurisprudence.
20. The Introduction (mokademat) of Ibn Khaldoun: A Fundamental Historical
and Analytical Study. The Ibn Khaldoun Center, Cairo, 1999.
Ibn Khaldoun was a very famous Muslim scholar who died six centuries ago. He
is known as the father of sociology through his Al Mokademat (The
Introduction). This book analyses the details of Ibn Khaldoun’s life, his
book on the history of the Muslims, and his famous Introduction. The Ibn
Khaldoun Center, established by Dr. Saad Eldeen Ibraheem, the famous
professor of sociology, to promote secular values, published this book to
commemorate the tenth anniversary of the Center and the eight centuries
since the death of Ibn Khaldoun.
21. Suggestions to Revise Muslim Religion Courses in Egyptian Education to
Make Egyptians More Tolerant. Ibn Khaldoun Center, Cairo, 1999.
This book was the fruit of the Ibn Khaldoun Center’s project to reform
Egyptian Education to rid it of the culture of terrorism. The book was
banned.
22. Religious Thought in Egypt in the Mamluke Era: Islam versus Muslim
Sufism. Ministry of Culture, Cairo, 2000.
This book shows the contradictions between Islam and the religious beliefs
of the Egyptian Muslims in that time (1250-1517).
NOTE ON VARIATIONS IN CITATION FORMAT FOR BOOKS PUBLISHED:
Because of my unconventional scholarship, most Egyptian publishers refused
to publish my books. Therefore I published most of my books myself, with the
help of Al Akhbar Distribution Company in Cairo. When the name of the
publisher is not mentioned, it means that the book was self-published and
distributed by Al Akbar Company. The writer was expelled from Al Azhar
University because of books 7-11. He was imprisoned because of book 11.
Articles in Arabic and English Translation- Approximately 500 articles in
newspapers, magazines and periodicals in Egypt and abroad. Some of them were
translated into English. These newspapers, magazines and periodicals
include:
Egyptian Newspapers: Al Ahrar [Liberals], Al Aalam Alyoum [World Today], Al
Midan [The Square], Al Ahaly [The National], Al Dostour [The Constitution],
Al Akhbar [The News], Al Kaherah [Cairo], Misr Al Fataah [Egypt; The Youth],
Al Gomhoriah [The Republic], Al Ahram [The Pyramids]. Other Arabic
Newspapers: Al Khaleej [The Gulf], The Arab Emirates; Al Watan [The Home],
Kuwait
Magazines: Sutour [Lines], Hawwaa [Eve], Al Mojtamaa Almadany [Civil
Society], Al Tanweer [The Enlightenment], Adab Wa Nakd [Literature and
Criticism], Al Helal [The Crescent], Sawaseyah [Equality], Hokouk Al Nass
[The Rights of the People], Al Mosawwer [The Illustrated]
Periodicals: Al Insan Wa Al Tatawwor, [Humans and Development], Rewak Arabic
[The Arab Forum]
Book Introduction: “Introduction” to Rereading the Quran, by Jacques
Baroque. Al Nadeem Publishing, Cairo, 1996. This introduction explains how
the Quran was revealed to the prophet Mohammed. It also shows that the Quran
was written solely by the prophet Mohammed.
Some articles in Arabic and English Translation Available on Web Site
www.ahmed.G3Z.com
1. “Islam Religion of Peace”
2. “The Right of Women to Rule the Islamic State”
3. “Freedom of Speech: Islam Versus the Muslims Fanatics”
4. “Islamic History: Democracy Versus Despotism”
5. Analytic reading in Fatwas about prhibition of smoking
6.The contradiction Between the Islamic State and the Religious State
Unpublished Books in Arabic
(The writer was unable to publish the following books for fear of
persecution in Egypt.)
1. The Ritual Religious Service of the Egyptian Muslims in the Mamluke Era:
Islam versus Sufism. This book shows the contradiction between Islamic
rituals and those of the Sufi Muslims in that time.
2. The Practical Moral Life of Egyptian Society in the Mamluke Era: Islam
Versus Sufism. This book shows how Egyptians in that time committed crimes
that they justified through reference to the Sufi saints.
3. The Political Influence of the Sufi Saints in the Mamluke Era. This book
proves the negative influence of the Sufi saints in the military Mamluke
regime. It compares the current Egyptian military regime and that Mamluke
regime, and shows how the two regimes used the religious saints to control
the people.
4. The Daily Life of Egyptians under Shareeah (Muslim Jurisprudence) Five
Centuries Ago. This book proves the crimes that happened in that time under
the name of Islam.
5. The Rules Pertaining to Muslim Women: The Quran versus the Sunni Muslim
Shareeah. This three-volume study points out the contradictions between
Islam and the Sunni Muslim Shareeah as they relate to women.
6. The Saudi Opposition in the Twentieth Century. This book analyzes the
culture of terrorism that is upheld by both the Saudi regime and its
religious Sunni opposition. It also analyzes the only contradiction between
the Saudi regime and its bold opposition: the source of legitimacy for
ruling the Saudi Kingdom. The writer shows that the Saudi opposition’ and
the Saudi State are responsible for creating Al Qa’eda and Usama son of
Laden. The only perfect way is to fight them peacefully from inside Islam
and from inside their own culture. It is necessary to reform the religious
life of Muslims, as the imperative step to reform the political, educational
and social fields in Islamic World.
ATTACHMENT
number [1]
Outline Of twenty five years of persecution in Egypt:
As a professor at Al Azhar University, the oldest and most famous and
conservative religious university in the Sunni Muslim world, I wrote five
books in 1985 to reform the religious life of the Sunni Muslims. I was
accused of being against Islam because I deny the intercession of the
prophet Muhammad in the day of judgment, deny his infallibility, and deny
that he is the best and the master of all the prophets. In March of 1987 I
was fired.
(There are 10 documents for this period).
In November 1987, I was arrested, along with 24 of my followers, and accused
of being a denier of the Sunna, the sayings and the deeds of the prophet
Muhammad. The government claimed that my writing were a call for Muslims to
abandon Islam. After two months I was released.
(There are 12 documents for this period)
I escaped to the United States, where I was welcomed by Dr. Rashad Khalifa
and his mosque in Tucson, Arizona. After two months, he claimed to be a
prophet and called on me to believe in his prophet hood. I refused and
escaped from his mosque. He sent letters to Egypt and to Al Azhar University
describing me as the assistant of the new prophet. When I returned to Egypt
in October of 1988 I was again arrested, and released after two days on the
condition that I not defend myself whenever the fanatics of Al Zahra
attacked me. In that period (1988-1995), I was attacked so severely that I
asked the court to protect me, because some of these attacks called for my
death.
(There are 24 documents for this period)
From January 1996 until June 2000 I worked at the Ibn Khaldoun Center as a
Muslim scholar and the moderator of the Center’s weekly forum. The Center is
owned and run by Dr. Saad el deen Ibrahim, the most famous sociologist in
the Arab world, who works as a professor at the American University of
Cairo, and is the leader of the movement for human rights, civil society and
liberal culture in the Arab world. As an American citizen and part-time
counselor of President Mubarak, Dr. Ibrahim has had a large influence in
Egypt in the 1990s. Because of his rank, we were encouraged in the Khaldoun
Center’s weekly forum to discuss frankly many sensitive and difficult
issues, but I was severely attacked by religious fanatics.
(There are 10 documents for this period)
My life was in real danger after I wrote a book as a project for the Ibn
Khaldoun Center on reforming the Egyptian education system to make it more
tolerant. I was severely attacked in the Egyptian parliament because of my
book, which suggested that the fanatical ideas inside the religious courses
of the Egyptian educational system should be changed.
(There are 31 documents for this period)
Because of high-level problems between Dr. Ibrahim and President Mubarak,
Dr. Ibrahim has been arrested and the Center shut down. Because of this, I
was in serious danger. I explained the situation to officials in the US
embassy in Cairo and gave them the documents to prove my grave situation.
Before the arrest of Dr. Ibrahim, some of my relatives were arrested. The
government kept asking them what they know about the Center and me, my
ideas, and my connections. I wrote a complaint and gave a copy to Dr.
Ibrahim, asking his help to save my relatives. Dr. Ibrahim was so angry that
he asked me to submit this complaint to President Mubarak himself, and he
promised to do his best in helping my relatives. After that, he told me to
contact someone in the security service who would remove the pressure on my
family. I went to that office, and was told that it was better for me and my
family to abandon Dr. Ibrahim and his center. I informed Dr. Ibrahim, and
two weeks later he was arrested.
I spent more than 14 months after the arrest of Dr. Ibrahim in isolation,
expecting my arrest at any time. I asked my friends-who used to meet me on
our weekly Friday prayer –not to meet me in my home to avoid any trouble .I
emailed some of my friends at the US embassy and in the US asking for help.
After I lost my job at Ibn Khaldoun Center, I accepted that condition hoping
the security service may left my family and me in our bad situation, but
they did not. The security service was not content to let me live, however,
and kept terrifying us. They set up a center in the nearest town to my
family village to watch my relatives, and were keen to let me know that I
was being watched, and that my telephone was tapped. Finally they arrested
some of my friends who live in my neighborhood [Al matareyah] and who used
to attend my weekly prayer at home. They questioned me twice about them and
their ideas in October 2001. One of my friends who had been arrested with me
in 1987 called me and informed me that they also arrested and questioned
some of our old friends. He told me that he expected them to arrest both of
us along with some of my relatives. He asked me to forsake my friends and
save myself, because they –as usual –would force my friends to recognize me
as their leader. Taking this advice, I escaped to the US on October, 15,
2001, four days before the Conference of New York, which I was invited to
attend.
In its International Religious Freedom Report [2002] about Egypt, the U. S
Department of State has mentioned the case of my friends ,it says:[On Marc
5,2002,a state security Emergency Court convicted eight persons from the
city of mataria near Cairo of violating Article 98(F)of the penal Code They
were arrested in October 2001 for holding unorthodox Islamic beliefs and
practices .Sentences ranged from 3 years in prison for the two principal
defendants to 1-year suspended sentences for 6 persons ,who were dealt with
more leniently because they were not accused of propagating the unorthodox
beliefs.]
There are some absent facts here :1- those people used to attend my weekly
prayers, but when I asked them not to come anymore to my home ,they used to
meet in another home in the same neighborhood ,In spite of being at their
own house , they were arrested .
2- They arrested more than 20 persons, including the house wives and
children. It is usual to arrest many people to interrogate them, this means
torture often. After that they release some of them and keep the others to
be prosecuted.
3- They are officially accused of [insulting a heavenly religion].the U S
report referred to this ,under title [Abuse of Religious Freedom] ,but the
Egyptian newspapers have defined them as the [Quranic group]My Quranic Group
upholds Islam as the religion of peace ,tolerance, justice , freedom of
speech and human rights. Being against the fanatics and the religious
culture of terrorism, it means you will be thrown in jail; even you are
practicing your own belief inside your own home. That what was prepared for
me in Egypt in 2001, and it is still waiting for me.
Attachment (2)
My struggle to reform the Egyptian Education
During Nasser’s rule in Egypt, I was a student at Al Azhar preparatory and
secondary school. Nasser reformed education at Al Azhar by adding modern
subjects and modern colleges to bring Al Azhar scholars more up-to-date. So
at that time we studied modern subjects along with religious subject that
went back to the dark Middle Ages, and were written by scholars who died
more than seven centuries ago. The gap was so wide between the modern and
old subjects that we felt ashamed of that backwardness of the old religious
subjects. During Nasser’s rule, we were overwhelmed by his dreams of
progress, and we tried to challenge ourselves and bring ourselves up to
date. This progress was the general target of Egyptians, and Egyptian
education reflected this goal both in general education and in the education
received at Al Azhar. Nasser should have completed his reform of education
at Al Azhar by modernizing the religious curriculum, but he became
distracted by the Egyptian-Israeli conflict after the Six Days war in 1967.
Sadat followed Nasser with another policy. He allied himself with the Muslim
Brothers and gave them the opportunity to control the media, education, and
religious and cultural affairs. As a result of this policy, Egyptian culture
became more fanatical, and the traditional Al Azhar subjects spread to
influence the Egyptian mind through the media, general education, and
mosques.
In 1973 I graduated from Al Azhar University and worked as an assistant
professor at the university. I began the difficult process of trying to
reform the religious life of Muslims from within Islam. I was fired and put
in prison in 1987. I have been insulted severely in the Egyptian media and
few defended me while I was helpless in prison. Farag Fouda, the leader of
the secular trend in Egypt, was one of those who defended me. After I had
been released from prison, we became friends and we tried to form a new
party called the Future Party, which called for reform of different aspects
of Egyptian life, especially in the fields of media, education, and culture.
We had both been insulted in the media, and the leaders of Al Azhar and the
Muslim Brothers issued a fatwa calling to assassinate us.
Fouda was killed in June 1992, accused of being a Muslim who committed
apostasy and therefore should be killed by any means. The secular trend in
Egypt has struggled against the penalty of apostasy because it is a deadly
weapon in the hands of the religious movement who use it to frighten their
political opponents. As a Muslim scholar, I proved that the penalty of
apostasy has nothing to do with Islam, and that is a fabricated tradition
created and applied two centuries after the Prophet Muhammad’s death. That
gave us a great victory at the time, in spite of the opposition I faced. We
changed Fouda’s office to be the Egyptian Association for Enlightenment. I
became its general secretary. In 1994 I gave a lecture about the important
need to reform education at Al Azhar entitled “Al Azhar and the
Enlightenment.” Dr. Saad Eddin Ibrahim attended that meeting, and we became
friends. I worked with him in his Center as a counselor in the religious
fanatic tradition. In January 1996, I began my weekly forums, held every
Tuesday night until Dr. Ibrahim was arrested in June, 2000.
In the weekly forum, we discussed the need for reform in Egyptian society,
especially in education. The reactions of the Rewak of the Ibn Khaldoun
Center were intense, and so was the suffering we experienced. But the
greatest suffering came when the Ibn Khaldoun Center handled the project of
reforming the Egyptian education system, in order to be more sensitive to
the Copts, the Christians in Egypt. The Copts in Egypt have suffered since
the time of Sadat, when the religious political movement used his authority
inside the regime and among the public to oppress the Copts, especially in
education. For example, mainstream Egyptian history ignores Coptic history,
and when taking Arabic language courses, Copts are forced to study verses of
the Quran and Muslim traditions. In religious courses, Christian students
are usually separated and taught by a Christian teacher. Meanwhile, Muslim
pupils are taught that their Christian classmates are disbelievers and will
go to hell. In this way, the Muslim students begin to be ardent fanatics.
The same education policies are in effect in Algeria, which leads to killing
each other as a jihad. General education in Egypt is supposedly secular, but
it is not. What is happening in religious education establishments (such as
Al Azhar) is even more extreme. Therefore, I felt it was important to begin
a campaign of reform of the Egyptian education system.
In June 23, 1997 I wrote an article in the magazine Rosalyousif, in which I
argued that in order to get rid of fanaticism, we should reform the
religious courses in the general education system. I called for a new
curriculum based on moral values and on the culture of human rights, rather
than on the culture of fanaticism which dates to the traditions of the
middle Ages.
In the following year, the Ibn Khaldoun Center took the initiative of
reforming Egyptian education, specifically in religious courses and in some
aspects of history and Arabic language courses. I was assigned to prepare an
alternative religious course to suggest to the Minister of Education, who
approved of the project. The members of the committee prepared their
suggestions in one year. I also prepared another book, a guide for the
teachers of the religious courses, in addition to the main book proposing
suggestions for the religious courses. The second step was to review all of
the suggestions of the experts, the well-known writers, and religious and
cultural leaders, including individuals from Al Azhar and the church. The
fanatics did not react immediately, but waited for the approval of the
Minister of Education, who they disliked very much. When the Minister
commended the project in an open assembly, the campaign against us began. It
lasted for four months, and was full of awful and false accusations.
The following are some examples:
On April 30, 1999 the official newspaper Akedaty (My Belief) had written on
its front page: “We expose Saad Eddin Ibrahim and the Ibn Khaldoun Center.
The Quran never says ‘the Israelis are Egyptians.’” This comment was in
regard to my suggestion for the religious course that Jews who are born in
Egypt are Egyptians like Muslim Egyptians, and they have the same rights,
according to the Quran.
On May 4, 1999 the Alsha’ab (People) newspaper, controlled by the Muslim
Brothers, wrote: developing the courses in the Ibn Khadoun Center and the
title with the religion (Islam). The suggested courses are a part of the
Zionist project in assaulting the Muslim faith. Accepting the courses by the
Ministry of Education should be questioned personally because of that. The
writer of alternative religious courses was fired from Al Azhar because he
makes doubts about the Prophet.
On May 4, 1999 Akedaty wrote: With the approval of the Ministry of
Education, the creators of the proposed new religious courses (in Egyptian
education) are terrorists. The Center wants the West to attack us. The
suggestions for the religious courses made by the Ibn Khaldoun are a result
of an agreement between the leaders of the Jews and the Vatican.
On May 11 1999, Akedaty wrote: Our campaign succeeds; the goal of the Ibn
Khaldoun Center will be discussed in the Parliament. Before the dean of Al
Azhar: A report about the nonsense of the Ibn Khaldoun Center is not equal
to KG boys. It has confusing information that misleads young men.
On May 16 1999 the official newspaper Alsayasy Al Masry (The Egyptian
Politician) wrote: Conspiracy to teach the Zionist ideology inside the
religious courses in our school. Stop this crime before it is completed.
Zionist courses to be taught in the religious courses in our schools. The
writer was fired from Al Azhar and he wants to make an encounter between the
two elements of the nation – which means Christian and Muslim Egyptians.
On May 17 1999, Alesboua (The Week) independent newspaper wrote: The front
of Al Azhar’s leaders will resume fighting the denier of Sunna and the Ibn
Khaldoun Center. They branded me a denier of Sunna, meaning I should be
killed.
On the same day, Al Ahrar (of the liberal party) wrote about three
interrogations in the Parliament about a book that insults Islam, referring
to my book.
On May 18 1999, Al Midan (Square), an independent newspaper wrote: Ibn
Khaldoun Center project to teach pupils how to insult the Prophet. A. Subhy
Mansour says the Prophet had no right to judge people according to their
faith.
On May 18 1999 Akedaty (My Belief) wrote: After denying the Sunna and
insulting the Prophet, they aim to foster doubts in the Quran. They claim
that the friends of the Prophet are not good examples and that the Abbasid
Caliphate invented the penalty of Apostasy.
On May 20 1999 Al Ahrar (the liberals) wrote: the fund is Germany, the
attitude is Jewish, and the Minister of Education blessed it. The nonsense
of the Ibn Khaldoun courses is discussed in the parliament. The Center
suggests confusing, misleading religious courses that say that Jews born in
Egypt are Egyptians so they have the right to get Egyptian citizenship. The
prophet had mistaken in the battle OHOD and insulted his soldiers, and he
has no right to intercede in the Day of Judgment (or to help any Muslim). A
full report in the hands of the dean of Al Azhar contains all the mistakes
of that course.
As a result of this campaign, my life was in real danger. I found some
shelter in the influence of Dr. Ibrahim but after he was arrested in June
2000, I became an easy target for my enemies inside the regime and inside
the religious movement. I had to escape to the US to seek political asylum.
Attachment 3:
THE QURANIC TREND .
In any language, Islam means submission to the one God, and to be peaceful.
It is the Divine Message of all the prophets, and Mohammed was the seal of
them, his seal divine message [the Quran] was expressed in Arabic,
confirming what was revealed before him to the previous prophets.
After his death, Quraish, the Arabic tribe of the prophet Mohammed has used
the name of Islam to invade and establish the Arabic Muslim Empire that for
centuries had ruled many nations in Asia, Africa and Europe. That political
use of Islam was against the religion of Islam.
Muslims - in that time and under that empire -created another religious
traditions which have been their practical religions under the name of
Sunna, Sheeah, and Shuphism. Every sect has its own belief, its own
tradition, its own jurisprudence, its own scriptures, and its own scholars
or [imams]. Every sect understands Quran in the way that it supports his own
ego, and according to his own tradition. So every sect has his own
scriptures of [Tafseer Al Quran] or the interpretation of the Quran, which
is their interpretative vision of the Quran and Islam. Every sect has also
his Sacred [fabricated] Revelation which they believe that it came from God
.The Sunna sect attributed their revelation to the prophet Mohammed two
centuries and more after his death ,The Sheeah attributed theirs to the
prophet Mohammed and his Family [Aal al Bayt ] some centuries after their
death .However, the Suphy people believe that their revelation comes at any
time directly from God through their Saints.
All their beliefs and ritual services were in accordance in both Muslim and
Christian worlds with the religious and political life of the Middle ages.
In Europe, they had struggled for centuries to bring the secular state and
human rights alongside democracy and justice. This is the culture of our
Modern Age, but, it is not the culture of the so-called Islamic Arabic
World, where the dictators rule in the name of Islam or the title of
Nationality. However,it is not the only problem ,the existing problem is the
fanatic religious trend ,that works hard to take over the Muslim world to
restore the middle ages culture which includes wars against the west or
[Jehad] as it was before. This fanatic trend belongs mainly to the Sunny and
the Sheeah sects, but also receives supporters from the Suphy sect and even
from the secular left wings after the collapse of the Soviet Union. They
have all set aside their disputes to ally against the west, the Christians,
and the Jews. Though the opposition of the dictators should be the secular
trend that upholds the culture of democracy, civil society, justice and
human rights, the religious fanatic trend controls not only the oppositions
but also many fields inside the regimes and the masses.
After September 11, the problem is no longer a domestic one, and arguably
world war three has begun. In such a war, the military forces are not the
effective weapons. The enemy could be your neighbors or your friends, or the
soldiers themselves who are supposed to defend you, but in a certain moment
one may embrace Islam- that is the version of Islam invented by Muslims-then
he becomes an ardent enemy, who believes that killing you and the innocent
people is his way to please God, and to live in His Paradise.
In such a war, the criminal is just a victim, because the real criminal is
the false religious teachings that hijack Islam many centuries ago. In such
a war, the struggle should include the field of religious thought, which it
means to fight from inside Islam.
This is the expertise of the Quranic trend through 25years of struggle and
persecution in Egypt.
This attachment gives a brief glance about the Quranists , the trend that
has been created through my struggle and persecution.
From 1977-1980, I endured three years of persecution inside Al Azhar
University, I was persecuted because my PH, D was considered against the
sacred Sufi saints , their tradition, and it showed their corruption and
vices from inside their own scriptures. In that time I was accused to be the
enemy of the righteous allies of God. The Sunny sect welcomed me because
they are also against the Sufi sect and I worked with them for five years,
inside and outside Al Azhar University.
After studying the Sunny tradition, I discovered its culture of terrorism is
more dangerous than the peaceful superstitious Suphy tradition. I have
proved the contradiction between Islam and the Sunny beliefs, and as a
result I have suffered from severe persecution; I was fired from the
university, thrown in prison, doomed, accused to be the enemy of the prophet
Mohammed and Islam. More over, I have been given an official bad brand of
the rejecter or the denier of Sunna.
During [1977-1988] my struggle resulted in many conflicts. My enemies had
the power, but they had no legitimate or justifiable argument. In order to
justify their violence against me, they distorted my writings to refute
them, which unintentionally spread some of my ideas. It helped me to find
followers, supporters, and friends, inside and outside Egypt, who helped me
to publish serial of articles under the title of [The Quran is the solution]
which led to the birth of the new title [The Quranists].
Through 1990 s, I have involved in Arabic and Egyptian movements for
democracy, civil society, and human rights NGO’s. The Quranic trend has been
established in and out these NGO’s, but the weekly forum of Ibn Khaldoun
Center has been their stand from 1996-2000.
The documents reflect the history of the Quranic trend in spite of the
blackout sponsored by the regime and the fanatic terrorist religious trend
in Egypt and the Saudi kingdom.
Before the birth of the ‘Quranists’in 1987, the brand name ‘the denier of
the Sunna; rejecter of the Sunna ;’ was the favorite title they gave me .The
Egyptian media reflected that emage on their front pages when we were in
prison, For examples :-
Al Ahram, the famous official newspaper, wrote on its front page, on
November 30,1987.” 16 of the members of the group who denies the Sunna are
detained.” On page 6 it wrote “A Fired professor from Al Azhar leads a group
rejecting the Mohammadian Sunna and insulting the friends of the prophet .”
.Actually we were 28 peaceful persons ,most of them are professors, lawyers,
and high educated people .
On December 5, 1987, Akhbar Alyoum[news today ] wrote “Who are the enemy of
the Sunna ? The story of the fanatic organization which is interrogated by
the state high prosecutor,” In this instance, they added another brand “the
fanatic organization”.
On December 10,1987, the official religious newspaper Al Lewaaa Al islamy
[The Islamic Flag ] wrote: “Surprise in the case of the rejecters of Sunna.”
Out of Egypt, the media responded in Arabic and in English. For example,
On November 29, 1987 Tehran Times wrote “28 Moslem activists held in Egypt.
Cairo (AP)-Police has detained 28 alleged members of an “extremist’s Moslem
organization”, the weekly Akhbar Al youm said in yesterday early editions.
The state-owned newspaper said the group advocated non-compliance with the
Sunna, a code which consists of the deeds of the prophet Mohammed(S).A good
Moslem is required to obey Mohammed s(S) words and emulate his deeds. The
Sunna is considered part of Moslem Law and is second in importance only to
the Quran, the Holy Book which Moslems revere as the word of God reveled to
Mohammed(S). Moslem’ fundamentalists ’in Egypt have been clamoring for
strict implementation of Moslem law as laid down in both the Quran and
Sunna. The newspaper said state security prosectors are interrogating the
detainees ...”
From1989 the title of the Quranists has appeared because of my involvement
in many NGO’s of human rights, civil society and enlightenment, specially
when Ibn Khaldoun center has given me a continuous weekly forum ,where all
the intellectuals from different back grounds could argue in a civilized way
,and the silent trends like the Egyptian Sheeahs and the Quranists had a
stand to practice their freedom of speech ,beside The Copts { The Christian
Egyptians) ,and the Egyptians advocated peace with Israel, It was a unique
open forum where all different people could listen to each others, and
discuss their views in a decent way ,without any accusations.
But this forum has been doomed in the Egyptian media, because the fanatics
could not tolerate the freedom of speech in one building in Cairo, although
they control the media, the education, the mosques, and all the means that
enable them to brain wash the masses.As a result,theQuranic trend in this
forum has been insulted more in the Egyptian media when they practiced their
freedom of speech .For examples:
On February,17,1979 Al Osboua [The week] on its front page wrote “in Ibn
Khalddon center which becomes the center for the children of Zionism: Ahmed
Subhy Mansour says: the prophet Mohammed did not go up to the heavens in the
night of “israa”
On February,25,1997,Akedaty [my belief] wrote “A suspected center is running
a forum lead by a fired professor to serve the needs of the international
Zionism. They are a devilish plant which we should sweep” .In such kind of
writing you find no arguments ,but just accusations in a way that urges the
zealots to kill us. Of course they ask their [imams] or scholars to discuss
our perspectives, but they have nothing except dooming us.
On May,26,1997, Al Osboua [The week] wrote a call saying “Oh, Imams of Islam
[scholars of Al Azar] refute [the sayings of] Ahmed Subhy Mansour “.
On August, 21,1997 Aafak Arabeyya ;[Arabic horizons] wrote “In a forum in
Ibn Khaldoun center: Ahmed Subhy Mansour rejects the Sunna of the prophet
‘Mohammed .”
Due to one of the forum’s sessions, which discussed the case of the
marriages that usually happens between the Egyptian males and the Israelis
women, the center and its weekly forum was insulted severely. For example :
On March,16,1999, Akidaty [my belief] wrote in its front page “In Ibn
Khaldoun center ,in a suspected session ,they defend –hardly- the marriage
between the Egyptian men and the Israelis women “. On page 9 they wrote
“Change its name to be center of Son of Zion instead of Ibn Khaldoun “. [
Zion and Zionist] are a very bad names in Egypt .
On March,22,1999 ,Al Osboua [the week ] wrote “Find a way to deal with those
people who are destroying ‘us’. In Ibn Khaldoun center : an invitation to
marry the Israeli woman to decrease the violent between us “
On March,23,1999 ,Al Shaab [The people ]wrote “Believe it or not : Ibn
Khaldoun center ask ‘us’ to respect the marriage between the Egyptians and
the Zionists.”
On April,6,1999,Akidaty [my belief ] wrote “Ibn Khaldoun and its defending
the Zionists.”
On April,13,1999, Al Shaab, [The People] wrote “Ibn Khaldoun and its
suspected forum.”
The forum of Ibn Khaldoun has discussed some of the Sheeahs issues which are
not acceptable by the Sunna trend, they were controversial sessions, Akidaty
wrote on May,18,1999, [A quarrel in the center of Ibn ‘Zion’ about the
enjoyment marriage] “of the Sheeah”.
The effect of the Quranists in Ibn Khaldoun center made Al jeel [The
Generation ] write a dangerous article on 7-11-1999, saying “The Quranists
are coming!!. A new sect is appearing in Islam .!!. It will make a big
argument in the coming days.” This actually was an echo of the campaign
against Dr Saad el Deen and me, because of the project of reforming the
Egyptian education which was born in the weekly forum.
This project was a real chance to declare the belief of the Quranists as
suggestions in the Islamic courses to be instead of the fanatic Sunny
courses. The Quranic suggestions have pointed out that Islam is the religion
of tolerance ,peace ,democracy, justice and human rights ,but Muslims in
their tradition are against all of these high values .
Al Azhar has begun to evoke the regime against the Quranists in frank way in
mosques and in newspapers in his calling the authorities to arrest them. For
example , in his articles, the dean of Al Azhar University ,Ahmed Omer
Hashim, has threatened us in the official newspapers. On June,4,1999, he
wrote in Al Akhbar calling the regime to act against us, under the title:
[to the enemies of the Sunna of the prophet].On Al Ahram, September ,1999,
he said [The Quranists has been predicted by the prophet ‘Mohammed ‘who has
warned ’us’ from them.],
In the same time, the fanatic trend has moved through their mosques and the
media attacking the Quranists to make the masses mob against us .It was a
big story; However, I will give one example :Al Ahrar newspaper [The
liberals] has led a severe continuous campaign ,consists of more than 23
long daily articles from August,12,1999.
On August,12,1999 they wrote “the rejecters of Sunna are warring Aaysha [the
wife of the prophet Mohammed ]and Aby Horayrah [the friend of the prophet
and the biggest narrator of his sayings ]and Al Bokhary ,[the biggest saint
of the sunny trend ] in the same time,they –the Quranists – accept the
sayings of Ahmed Subhy Mansour “
On August,13,1999, they wrote under my picture [The Quranists are saying:
The prophets wives are slave women, widows and homeless].
On August,17,1999 ,they accused me to be an agent to the U S Congress, and I
have assigned myself to attack the Sunna of the prophet Mohammed , and I
have the revelation from GOD .
On August,18,1999, they attribute that I would doom anyone who testifies
that Mohammed is the messenger of GOD .
On August,19,1999, they accused me to be an agent of the Masons to destroy
the Islamic belief.
Because of these false accusations ,my life was in a real danger ,so I sent
one article in my defense. It was published on September,4,1999, under the
titles:”There is a conspiracy to assassinate me”, ‘by this campaign’. But
the campaign against the Quranists has continued to pave the way to the
regime to arrest us and to accuse us to be the enemy of Islam.
In the Egyptian code there is no penalty to who reject the Sunna ,but it has
a penalty to who insult the heavenly religion .The fanatics usually insult
the Christian and the Jewish religions in the religious educational courses
and in the mosques, but when I tried to reform this culture they have
prepared a case to punish us according to the penalty code ’insulting the
religion’. It had begun before the case of Dr; Saad el Deen Ebraheem, when
they arrested members of my family and relatives in my village, then it
became worse after they arrested Dr, Ibraheem. I isolated myself in my home
in Cairo, expecting that they would come to arrest me any time .I have sent
many complains to the authorities asserting that arresting me means my
assassination. Since most of the prisoners who control the prisons are
fanatics, once I am in the prison the fanatics will kill me as if is their
own [Jihad ] .One copy of this complain was sent to the U S embassy in
Cairo. Finally they have arrested some of my friends who used to meet one
another in Ameen Yosif’ home.
The Egyptian newspapers have mentioned the arrest of my friends along with
the false accusations. For example:
On October 3 ,2001, Al Ahram wrote [13 detained in the case of releasing
fanatic ideas.] This explained that they were accused to insult the religion
of Islam, from inside there house in Al matareyah ,Cairo .’Matareyah is my
county.’
On October 15,I was escaping to the U S .
On November,15,2001, The Washington Post talked about “Egypt Jails Gays for
‘Debauchery.” The newspaper further said :”The case was one of several in
recent months to be criticized by local civil liberties as evidences of
government repression. A prominent academic was sentenced to seven years in
prison for accepting foreign contribution in violation of government
regulations designed to combat the financing of terrorists, and an author
was investigated on charges of apostasy.”In this article the newspaper
referred to Dr, Ibraheem, and to my Quranic friend Ameen Yosif .
On December,26,2001 ,Al Akhbar mentioned the same case of the Quranists as
“The fanatic organization of Al Matareyah,who are insulting Islam” .
On January,16,2002 ,Al Ahram said : “ In the case of the Quranic group :
they embrace an anti- Islam thought.”
The same news on Al Wafd newspaper on January,28,2002,and on Al Ahram on
January,30,2002.
On June,-6, 2002, Al Ahram and Al Gomhoreyah mentioned that Ameen Yousif has
disowned his Quranic belief.
But on March,5,2002, the state security Emergency Court convicted the eight
Quranic persons. Sentences ranged from 3 years to 1 year.
During the last decade of the 20the century I used to receive calls and
letters from the Quranists around the world, and to meet the press and media
in and out of Egypt to give the Quranic perspectives in any issue they
concerned. On October 11, 2001, Four days before my escaping to the U S, the
newspaper Die Zeit ,Hamburg (Germany) wrote one complete page about Al
Azhar,saying { NEW BOOKS,500 YEARS OLD. At Al Azhar University they teach
medieval Islam. Is this institution, too, a school for militant
Muslims?}.The talked about Al Azhar, its history ,its role, its biggest
leader: ”Shaihk Sayed Tantawy, and about me .
The German newspaper said “Ahmed Subhy Mansour has had such doubts for more
than twenty years. He knows Al Azhar since childhood. First he attended one
of its elementary schools in his hometown of Zagazig, later he studied for
16 years at Al Azhar University in Cairo.’ I was taught that Islam is the
best of all religions and is the superior to all others. But,’ he adds ‘Al
Azhar remained stagnant. Its teachings are irreconcilable with the modern
understanding of human rights, democracy and tolerance. The youngest of its
books are 500 years old’. Mansour is a kind of black sheep (enfant terrible
) for Al Azhar. Because of his provocative writings he was expelled from the
university in 1987. His opinion about the peaceful character of Islam
concurs with that of Shaikh Tantawi, but Mansour doubts the sincerity of the
Azhar scholars, ‘They speak with two tongues; To the outside world they
present a tolerant Islam; domestically, however, they say something
different.’ The basic problem –according to Mansour- is not in the Quran.’ I
can prove, at the instance of the Quran, that Islam is a peaceful religion
reconcilable with modern human rights. The problem is the Sunni tradition
that emerged in the centuries after the death of the prophet Mohammed. With
the help of this tradition it is possible to justify a militant Islam.’
Al Azhar is not prepared to discard that tradition which includes, according
to Mansour ,many Hadith(sayings of the prophet) that do not really originate
with Mohammed but were attributed to him by posterity. A striking example to
illustrate this phenomenon is the punishment of apostasy. According to the
traditional interpretation every Muslim becomes liable to capital punishment
if he abandons Islam. In 1993 Mansour published a study in which he
demonstrated that this punishment has no basis in the Quran. The Quran
states unambiguously “let there be no compulsion in religion.” Because of
this book Al Azhar scholars issued a verdict against Mansour in which they
accused him of apostasy, thus making him an outcast. Because of such methods
some intellectuals accused Al Azhar of “intellectual terrorism.”.
This is what was written in the German newspaper on October,11, 2001.
The persecution could not veil the truth, it makes it grows and flourishes
around the world.
Attachment 4:
the Saudian Opposition in the 20th Century [ The last book written in
Egypt.]
The Religious Sunni Opposition in the Saudi Kingdom in the 20th Century was
written in Arabic in June 2001. The book is 471 pages which does not include
the attached documents.
The Religious Sunni Opposition at a Glance
Both the Saudi regime and its religious Sunni opposition maintain the same
beliefs and ideologies. Together, they represent the fanatic Muslim Sunni ,
who are against other Muslim sects such as Sophy and/or Sheeah.
.Inside the fanatic Sunni sect they –together- uphold the most fanatic
jurisprudence known a Hanabela. Hanabela is more fanatic than the other
Sunni schools such as Ahnaf, Malekia, Shafeiah, and Zaheria.
Inside the radical school of Hanabela they –together- maintain the hardest
line of Hanabela that belongs to the famous scholar, Ibn Taymeia, who died
in 1327. Ibn Taymeia revolted against the Mameluke regime in Egypt and Syria
during the 14th century.
Inside the teachings of Ibn Taymeia ,they- together - follow the hardest
line that was written and applied by Ibn Abdel Wahab, who cooperated with
the Saudi family in establishing the first Saudi state in the 18th century.
Wahabia is the official belief of the current Saudi state and the Saudi
opposition. In representing Wahabi they oppose other Muslim sects and
non-Muslim nations, especially Europe and America. They believe that the
non-Wahabi are infidels who should be killed or fought as a Jehad. , sooner
or later.
Within the Wahabi belief, there is only one aspect of the ideological
conflict between the regime and its religious Wahabi opposition. What is
that ideology? This book answers that question through an analytic study of
the fundamental and historical roots of the Saudi Wahabi opposition in the
20th century, from King Abdel-Aziz until his son King Fahd. This book also
analyzes the culture of terrorism, which produced Osama bin Laden and his Al
Kaeda network. Moreover, this book presents how one can face this religious
culture from inside Islam.
The Religious Sunni Opposition in the Saudi Kingdom in the 20th Century
consists of an introductory chapter and three sections. The preliminary
chapter explains the historic and dogmatic roots of the Wahabi doctrine. The
following three sections contain ten chapters.
The first section consists of five chapters that explain how Abdel Aziz
established the Saudi state through utilizing his radical tough warriors,
the Mojahedeen. The Mojahedeen are known as Ikhwan which means Muslim
brothers. They were young Bedouins or nomads, but Abdel Aziz taught them how
to uphold and to absorb the Wahabi doctrine. By engaging in Jehad or self
sacrifice, Abdel Aziz had established the third Saudi state from 1902 to
1926. Abdel Aziz wanted to modernize his state by dealing with Egypt and
with countries in the West. The Ikhwan revolted against him because he
became an ally of the infidels. Abdel Aziz defeated them but he kept their
ideology alive since it correlated with his own beliefs.
The second section deals with the Saudi Wahabi opposition during the time of
King Saud –son of Abdel Aziz-. Then, the second chapter addresses the Saudi
Wahabi opposition during the time of King Faisal and his brother King
Knaled.
Chapter one analyzes the opposition to Naser Alssaed who was the labor
leader of the Aramco Company workers. He successfully conducted many strikes
and established a new movement in the kingdom which angered King Saud. Naser
Alssaed was inspired and influenced by Abdel Nasser and the Egyptian
revolution in the 1950’ Yet his own moderate religious dogma, made him
different from both King Saud’s beliefs and Abdel Nasser’s beliefs.
Actually, Naser Alssaed is the only one in Saudi’s opposition groups whose
complete political program is to peacefully reform the state from within.
Despite being a peaceful moderate, in 1977, the Saudi Service assassinated
Naser Alssaed in Lebanon. During his life, after his death, and despite the
blackout, Naser Alssaed was the leader who inspired and encouraged many
opposition groups from within the Saudi family, Saudi Army, Saudi
intellects, and the masses as well.
The second chapter of the second section analyzes the big movement of
Johiman Alotaybi and his group. They occupied the sacred holy Mosque in
Mecca on November 22, 1977, which according to the Muslim calendar was the
first day beginning the 15th century. Johiman’s grand father was one of the
[Ikhwan ] of Abdel Aziz , who revolted with them and was killed in the
famous battle of Al Seblah on March 30, 1929. Johiman was a scholar who had
his own secret organization. However, his effective weapon was his secret
messages, which were compiled in an unpublished book entitled The Messages
of Johiman Alotaybi. The Saudi authority still pursues the book. In
Johiman’s messages he called for a fight with the Saudi regime, which
represented an ally to the infidels and an enemy of Islam.
The last section analyzes the current opposition, which has emerged after
the Gulf War and has produced Osama bin Laden and his Al Kaeda network.
The first chapter of this section gives a historic profile of this
opposition group and its struggle against the Saudi state during 1990 to
2000.
The second chapter analyzes the ideological conflict between the independent
religious committee, which leads the opposition and the Saudi state. In this
dogmatic conflict, the official scholars of the Saudi state were completely
defeated because the religious oppositions have their own arguments from
inside the teachings of the sacred old [Imams] or scholars, including Ibn
Taymeya and Ibn Abdel Wahab, who are idolized by all the Saudis.
The third chapter analyzes the main religious discourse of the current
opposition,[Al amr bel maaroof Wa Al nahy an Al monkar] which means advocate
what is good and forbid what is evil. The chapter further dissects how the
current opposition use the Wahabi dogma to criticize the Saudi family, which
mandates destroying their kingdom as the enemy of Islam.
The final conclusion of this study analyzes the future of the Saudi
state--state that has been established three times and destroyed twice in
the last four centuries. The future is influenced by its critical situation
between the two long established states, Egypt and Iran. The future of the
Saudi state will also be influenced by the regime’s need to reform and to
moderate its religious dogma, along with a political, social, and economic
reform. These reforms will be necessary for the state to survive longer than
the former two Saudi states in the 18th and 19th centuries.
The attachments to this study include many pages from the confiscated and
secret materials which are written by Saudi opponents. Since the documents
are prohibited inside the Saudi kingdom, they have been compiled and
published outside the kingdom. Consequently, some of the documents were
published through the internet. Possessing some of these materials could
lead to punishment by prison or death without a real trial. The documents
include pages from Naser Alssaed’s book History of the Saudi Family; pages
from the secret messages of Jehiman Alotaybi; messages from the internet of
Al Masary, the leader of the religious committee, who is exiled to London
and who has inspired Osama bin Laden; and documents of the human rights
reports, which indicate the violations that exist within the kingdom. |